Academic Research

Q1 & Intertextuality (Marx, Sinai, and more)

  1. Q1:1 Q1:1 & Old South Arabian inscription stele of Abraha (CIH 541 =Gl 618) at the dam in Marib (Yemen) In the inscriptions of southern Arabia between the 4th and 6th centuries, raḥmān-an (the final syllable / -ān / is the article) is a frequently appearing name of the monotheistic god. This divine name can be traced back to the 9th century BC, as the bilingual inscription on the statue of Tell Fekhriye shows us (see TUK_0607 ); In ancient times, the Aramaic adjective rāḥmān-ā (“the gracious”) was used in the Talmud to describe the name of God. In the Arabian Peninsula, where from the period after 400 AD. While no inscriptions of non-monotheistic religious beliefs are known, unvocalized rḥmnn – probably read raḥmān-ān – seems to be the usual name of God. The Arabic adjective ar-raḥmān , which appears in the Koran only with an article and in Classical Arabic almost always appears as an adjective in connection with the noun allāh , can be understood as a borrowing from the Sabaean rḥmnn . Islamic historians and theologians also mention that the “counter-prophet” Musailima, who appeared in central Arabia in the time of Muḥammad with a divine message, traced it back to the god ” raḥmān ” (cf. TUK_1200 Chronicle of aṭ-Ṭabarī about the ” counter-prophet” Musailima). For the inscription see Glaser 1897: p. 31-122, inscription Glaser 618 and Nebes 2005: 362-367 .(edited)
  2. Q1:1 & Arabic-Sasanian silver coin modeled on Yazdgerd III (632-651) Philippe Gignoux sees evidence in the Middle Persian inscriptions and inscriptions on Sāsānid artifacts that the bismillāh formula arose from the Middle Persian formula “In the name of the gods” ( pad nām ī yazdān ) (see Curiel, Gignoux 1976: pp. 165-69 ) . The Sāsānidic invocation formula (cf. TUK_1288 and TUK_1289 ) could thus represent a forerunner of the Islamic invocation formula (Gignoux 1979: 162-163) . The invocation formula bi-smillāhi stamped on the edge of the Arabo-Sāsānid coin shown proves the use of this Quranic formula (“In the name of God”), which also represents the first two words of Q 1:1. It appears in Q 11:41 (cf. TUK_0086 ), where Noah uses the short formula to invite the believers to enter the ark. In today’s language used by many Muslims, the formula bi-smi llāhi or the Basmala marks the beginning of an action or a journey and is pronounced, for example, when entering a house. This invocation formula could also be meant in Q 6:121, when it is demanded that believers are not allowed to eat meat “over which the name of God has not been pronounced (during slaughter)”. The written use of the Basmala appears attested in Q 27:30, where it is introduced by it as the introductory formula of Solomon’s letter to the Queen of Sheba. As an introductory formula for letters, documents and contracts, it is already documented in papyri of the 7th century, such as in PERF 558 from the year 643 (see TUK_1493 ).(edited)
  3. The invocation formula bi-smi llāhi (“In the name of God”) appears on Arabo-Sasānid coins (early Arabic coins that follow Sāsānid coins in shape and design). Until the Umayyad period, the Arab rulers preserved the form of the previous means of payment, which became valid means of payment through the addition of Arabic texts. This practice can be traced back to the Umayyad period, until Caliph ʿAbdalmalik b. in 696. Marwān (r. 685-705) had both sides of the coin minted exclusively with Arabic texts and usually without images (Heidemann 2009) . According to the Vienna Coin Cabinet , the coin depicted contains the following texts: “Obverse: Crowned bust modeled on the last Sasanian king Yazdgerd III (reigned 632–651); Pehlevi inscription “Yazdgerd, he has increased the glory of the ruler”, on the edge Arabic inscription “In the name of God”; back: fire altar with two assistant figures; Pehlevi inscription “(year) 20 (= immobilized year of reign of Yazdgerd) – SK (= Sakastan)”. The after 651 AD, after the death of Yazdgerd III., minted Arab-Sassanid coin contains the formula bi-smi llāh , which rarely appears outside the Arab-Sassanid region on Islamic seals and intaglios (gems ​​with engraved images) before the end of the 7th century, with only one artifact from the Eastern Arabian region in the reference mentioned by Gignoux, Ludwik Kalus, Catalog des cachets, bulles et talismans islamiques, Bibl. Nationale , Paris, 1981, p. 11, no. 1.1.2. (Kalus 1981) (cf. TUK_1492 ).
  4. The tripartite Basmala (“In the name of the merciful and gracious God”, see “Basmala,” in EI 1 Volume 1, 1913, pp. 689-90; EI 2 Volume 1, 1960, pp. 1116-17) could also historically be with the Christian formula “In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit”, cf. TUK_0417 ) and plays a central role in the Christian tradition as a text that is non-verbally articulated by the sign of the cross (see TUK_1385 ). The echo of the Christian formula can also be seen in the tripartite introductory texts of the inscriptions of the Christian King Abraha (cf. e.g. the inscription stele from Marib TUK_1259 ). The traditional interpretation of ar-raḥmān as an adjective overlooks the fact that the divine name Raḥmān-ān (the ensyllable /-ān/ is the article in Sabaean) was common among Jews and Christians in pre-Islamic Arabia since the 4th century, in Arabic. ar-raḥmān goes back (fief formation). In addition to the Basmala, Islamic tradition knows a shorter invocation formula, bi-smi llāh (“in the name of God” see Q 11:41), which can be traced back to the 7th century. According to Philippe Gignoux, Middle Persian invocation formulas such as “In the name of the gods” (cf. the inscriptions from Paikuli TUK_1288 and Mešgīn-Šahr TUK_1289 ) had an influence on the emergence of early Islamic invocation formulas (Gignoux 1979 ; Gignoux and Algar 1989) .
  5. Q1:1 & Dādestān ī Mēnōg ī Xrad 1:1-9
  6. The invocation formula “In the name of the gods” ( pad nām ī yazdān ) is widely documented in Zoroastrian literature and in the Sasanian inscriptions . Philippe Gignoux points out that the Basmala could have its origins here (cf. Gignoux 1979 ; Gignoux and Algar 1989 , also Blochet 1898: 40 ). William St. Clair Tisdall had already discussed this possibility using the example of the Great Bundahišn , whose writing, however, falls into the period after the Arab conquest (cf. St.Clair Tisdall 1905: 255 ). Shaul Shaked, on the other hand, refers to Ignaz Goldziher and sees the Basmala as rooted in the Judeo-Christian tradition, admitting that the invocation formula was also found in the Iranian cultural area at the same time ( Shaul Shaked 1993: 152–154 ). The invocation formula is found twice in the Paikuli inscription ( TUK_1288 ), which dates from the reign of Narsē (r. 293–302 AD). In addition, the same formula is also written in the Mašgīn Šahr inscription ( TUK_1289 ). It is also found in front of the Awestic Yašts , where the formulation of the formula in Pazand suggests a later adjunction. In the function of a doxology, the formula occurs, sometimes in a slightly modified form, in Middle Persian literature; so at the beginning of the Ardā Wīrāz Nāmag , the introduction of which was written after the Islamic conquests. In structural similarity to Basmala, the formula is prefixed to other Middle Persian texts as Proömium (see TUK_0418 ); Such an invocation formula, expanded to include a praise of the god Ohrmazd, can also be found in the Middle Persian Dādestān ī Mēnōg ī Xrad .
  7. [5:58 PM]The Dādestān i Mēnōg ī Xrad (“Judgments of the Spirit of Wisdom”) is a Middle Persian Zoroastrian text, which is assigned to the genre of wisdom literature ( Andarz ) (cf. Shaked and Safa 1985 ). The text itself represents the later transcription of an initially oral tradition. The oldest surviving manuscript dates from 1589. The author and time of creation are unknown, but Edward W. West, Mary Boyce and Aḥmad Tafażżolī assume this due to stylistic peculiarities and references to historical events of the late Sasanian period from a written composition during the reign of Ḫusraw I Anūšīrwān (r. 531–579 AD) (cf. West 1885: X–XI ; Boyce 1968: 54 ; Tafażżolī 1993 ). For the genre of Andarz literature in general, it is assumed that it was fixed in writing in the late Sasanian period (cf. Stausberg 2002: 291–292 ).
  8. Formally, the text is divided into 63 sections, with a narrative introduction that forms the framework followed by 62 dialogue sequences. The introduction tells about the efforts of a certain Dānāg (the descriptive name can literally be translated as “the knowledgeable, the wise”), who traveled to many countries in his search for knowledge and knowledge and thereby became acquainted with customs, customs and religious beliefs (DMX 1:33–38). At the end of his journey, after recognizing the virtue of wisdom ( xrad ), which is central to Zoroastrianism, he is finally granted the honor of being able to ask questions of the divine spirit of wisdom ( Mēnōg ī Xrad ) (DMX 1:57–60). The following 62 sections deal with a wide range of topics: In addition to practical questions about drinking wine in moderation (DMX 16), questions about religiously correct living, such as observing the three times of prayer (DMX 53), are discussed; Furthermore, burial regulations (DMX 6), the wearing of the sacred belt and food regulations (DMX 6) as well as dogmatic topics such as the antagonism between Ohrmazd and Ahriman (DMX 45; 45; 54), questions of ritual (DMX 52) and sins are discussed – and virtue catalogs (DMX 35; 36) discussed. Occasionally, eschatological topics are also discussed, such as the number of paradises and hells (DMX 7). There are also short cosmogonic (DMX 44) and geographical (DMX 56) passages, explanations of the class structure of society (DMX 31; 32) and other topics. As the title of the work suggests, the text emphasizes the moral superiority of the pursuit of wisdom and spiritual perfection over material wealth and worldly power.(edited)
  9. [5:59 PM]Q1:1 & Matthew 6.9-13 A comparison between the Lord’s Prayer and the Koranic opening surah ( al-fātiḥa ) is not only obvious because in both cases they are central congregational prayers. Both texts also have a similar structure: They each begin with a praising invocation to God, in which his “name” figures (“Our Father in heaven, hallowed be your name”, “In the name of God, the Merciful Merciful! / Praise be God … “) and conclude with requests (Matthew 6:11-13 or Q 1:6.7). Correspondences can also be discovered in the middle part: Both Matthew 6:10 and Q 1:5 are confessions with which the praying person submits himself solely to the will of God (Matthew) or vows to serve him alone (Quran). See also Divine Liturgy of Basil the Great TUK_1254 . – The final doxology in square brackets only entered the text secondarily.
  10. Q1:1 & Mešgīn Šahr inscription The invocation formula “In the name of the gods” ( pad nām ī yazdān ) is widely documented in Zoroastrian literature and in the Sasanian inscriptions . Philippe Gignoux points out that the Basmala could have its origins here (cf. Gignoux 1979 ; Gignoux and Algar 1989 , also Blochet 1898: 40 ). William St. Clair Tisdall had already discussed this possibility using the example of the Great Bundahišn , whose writing, however, falls into the period after the Arab conquest (cf. St.Clair Tisdall 1905: 255 ). Shaul Shaked, on the other hand, refers to Ignaz Goldziher and sees the Basmala as rooted in the Judeo-Christian tradition, admitting that the invocation formula was also found in the Iranian cultural area at the same time ( Shaul Shaked 1993: 152–154 ). The invocation formula is found twice in the Paikuli inscription ( TUK_1288 ), which dates from the reign of Narsē (r. 293–302 AD). It is also found in front of the Awestic Yašts , where the formulation of the formula in Pazand suggests a later adjunction. In the function of a doxology, the formula occurs, sometimes in a slightly modified form, in Middle Persian literature; so at the beginning of the Ardā Wīrāz Nāmag , the introduction of which was written after the Islamic conquests. In structural similarity to Basmala, the formula is prefixed to other Middle Persian texts as Proömium (see TUK_0418 ); Such an invocation formula, expanded to include a praise of the god Ohrmazd, can also be found in the Middle Persian Dādestān ī Mēnōg ī Xrad . In addition, the same formula is also written in the Mašgīn-Šahr inscription discussed here .
  11. inscription on a boulder block that was created in connection with the completion of a castle. The inscription is partially damaged and difficult to read, but gives a date, the 7th month of the 27th year of the reign of Šāpūr II (r. 309–379 AD), which marks the creation of the inscription and its completion of the castle can be dated to March 336 ( Gropp 1968: 150–151 ). While Richard N. Frye and Prods O. Skjærvø attribute the inscription to an unnamed member of the Gōbēdān family ( Frye and Skjærvø 1996: 54 ), Gignoux considers Šāpūr II himself ( Gignoux 1972: 13 ). The inscription is divided into three parts, with the first part (lines 1–3) allowing the inscription to be dated precisely. The second part (lines 3–9) provides information about the purpose of the inscription and the construction of the castle and, in addition to a shortened ruler’s titulary, also contains the invocation formula (line 7). The conclusion is an Andarz , in which the builder seems to address the three estates of the Sāsānid Empire and presents (his) generosity as worthy of imitation. The final instruction follows that whoever doesn’t think the castle is successful should build a better one. According to Gropp, the content and execution suggest that the person who commissioned the inscription could have been a ruler of the border area, but under no circumstances the Great King himself. On the one hand, the title is very short with 5 words instead of the canonical 27, and the careless execution and the challenging final sentence also make this interpretation seem plausible ( Gropp 1968: 151–152 ).
  12. Q1:1 & Paikuli inscription
  13. The invocation formula “In the name of the gods” ( pad nām ī yazdān ) is widely documented in Zoroastrian literature and in the Sasanian inscriptions . Philippe Gignoux points out that the Basmala could have its origins here (cf. Gignoux 1979 ; Gignoux and Algar 1989 , also Blochet 1898: 40 ). William St. Clair Tisdall had already discussed this possibility using the example of the Great Bundahišn , whose writing, however, falls into the period after the Arab conquest (cf. St.Clair Tisdall 1905: 255 ). Shaul Shaked, on the other hand, refers to Ignaz Goldziher and sees the Basmala as rooted in the Judeo-Christian tradition, admitting that the invocation formula was also found in the Iranian cultural area at the same time ( Shaul Shaked 1993: 152–154 ). The invocation formula is found twice in the Paikuli inscription , which dates from the reign of Narsē (r. 293–302 AD). In addition, the same formula is also written in the Mašgīn Šahr inscription ( TUK_1289 ). It is also found in front of the Awestic Yašts , where the formulation of the formula in Pazand suggests a later adjunction. In the function of a doxology, the formula occurs, sometimes in a slightly modified form, in Middle Persian literature; so at the beginning of the Ardā Wīrāz Nāmag , the introduction of which was written after the Islamic conquests. In structural similarity to Basmala, the formula is prefixed to other Middle Persian texts as Proömium (see TUK_0418 ); Such an invocation formula, expanded to include a praise of the god Ohrmazd, can also be found in the Middle Persian Dādestān ī Mēnōg ī Xrad .
  14. Q1:1 & Statue from Tell Fekheriye
  15. The Assyrian-Aramaic bilingual from Tell Fekheriye (Eastern Syria) contains the oldest known evidence for the word form raḥmān . The term raḥmān stands here parallel to Akkadian rēmēnû or Neo-Assyrian rēmēʾû , written LIDú, all < *raḥm-ān-ī+u . The Akkadian term is well documented as a divine attribute. See the entries in CAD and AHW and also specifically, Healey 1998 . The Aramaic form can also be found north of the Arabian Peninsula in pagan inscriptions, most often in Palmyra (e.g. as an epithet for the god ʿAzīzū etc., cf. Healey 1998: p. 352f. ). There is also evidence from the Arabian Peninsula itself, especially from the south. In a monotheistic context, raḥmān is the predominant name for the one God. It can be found in Christian, Jewish, as well as non-specific monotheistic inscriptions (cf. Robin 2004 , especially pp. 867f.). Apparently Raḥmānān (the old South Arabic form) or ar-Raḥmān is also used as the actual name of God, i.e. as a proper name for the monotheistic God. The Koran also knows such a usage, as in Al-ʾIsrāʾ (017:110) and Sūrat Maryam : 19:18, 26, 44, 45, 58, 61, 69, 75, 78, 85, 87, 88, 91, 92, 93 and 96. There are also passages in Q 20, Q 21, Q 25, Q 26, Q36, Q 43, Q 50, Q 55, Q 67 and Q 78. Here ar-Raḥmān is not used as a qualification of Allah or in conjunction with ar-raḥīm , but apparently used as a proper name. The surahs mentioned above are traditionally classified as Middle Meccan (Nöldeke 1909) . This usage is also attributed in the Muslim tradition to Musailima and al-ʾAswad (for usage in the Koran, see generally Jomier 1957: p. 361-381 ).
  16. In the non-Arab, Jewish context, raḥmān can be found in the Targum, for example as a translation of Hebrew raḥūm and also in inscriptions (Healey 1998: p. 355) . It occurs much more frequently in other rabbinic literature. Raḥḥmānā is also found in Christian Syriac , for example in Ephrem, Jacob of Sarug and other early writers, although less frequently than the ‘genuine Syrian’ form mraḥḥmānā . Nebes 2010: p. 37 notes that in the Peshitta, both the Old and New Testaments, only mraḥḥmānā and raḥmtānā are found. He quotes Geiger(Geiger 1867: p. 488f.) , who incorrectly states that in Syriac raḥmānā is only found in Ephrem. Also Greenfield 2000: p. 385fstates, after discussing abundant evidence from ‘pagan’ inscriptions in the Syrian region and Jewish usage, that Syrian writers “on the whole eshew the use of raḥman (sic) as an adjective or epithet”. He refers to “the dictionaries” and speculates whether the avoidance of a ‘pagan’ term played a role. However, Syrian literature shows significantly more cases of the use of raḥmānā than is apparent from the dictionaries or is often assumed in the academic tradition. It is true that mraḥḥmānā in particular is more common, but in our opinion it is not clear from the sources that raḥḥmānā would have had a stigma attached to it.
  17. On the etymology of the word raḥmānā : The root r-ḥ-m is found in all Semitic languages. In Arabic, two forms have different second radicals; raḫuma and raḥima . Both are semantically close. In principle, from an Arabic perspective, one could assume an original root r-ḫ-m , which became > r-ḥ-m in the northwest Semitic languages . On the other hand, both roots can also originally exist separately in Arabic. The semantics of the two roots are similar but by no means congruent. Semantically related ‘rhyme roots’, in which only ḥ and ḫ alternate, can also be found elsewhere in Arabic. The decisive factor here is Akkadian, which points to ḥ with the old rêmu , Assyrian reʾāmu, since ḫ would have been preserved in Akkadian, but a ḥ disappears when the color is changed to a > e. The form raḥmān is first attested in Aramaic. From there it seems to have spread to other Aramaic dialects, or from one dialect to the next. The South Arabian usage probably goes back most closely to Jewish models. For an overview of the history of the word raḥmān , see also Greenfield 2000 .
  18. So it remains to be noted that the word raḥmān has a long history. The first evidence is Aramaic, where it is probably a calque for Akkadian rēmēnû . From there, the word becomes prominent in both pagan and monotheistic contexts. Raḥmān can also be found as an epithet in Christian literature, said by both God and Jesus. Especially in rabbinic Judaism, and possibly subsequently in South Arabian Judaism/monotheism, Raḥmān literally becomes the proper name of God through antonomasia. Traces of this can be found in the Koran (and in ancient Arabic poetry, such as Imruʾ al-Qais and al-ʾAʿšā); However, in Islam , ar-raḥmān will remain “a name of God”, ultimately an epithet. On raḥmān see also Jeffery 1938: p. 140f . Jeffery does not mention the occurrence in Syriac, but refers to Christian-Palestinian raḥmānā (cf. Schulthess 1903: p. 192f. ). For the inscription itself, see Aufrecht and Hamilton 1988: p. 1-7 ; Lipiński 1994: p. 19-81 ; AK Grayson, RLMA 2: AO 101, 2004.
  19. Q1:2
  20. Q1:2 & Ethiopian Book of Enoch: the Book of the Watchers 1:3-5 The Arabic expression rabb al-ʿālamīn is reminiscent of Ethiopian ʾamlāka ʿālam (“God of the world”). For details on rabb al-ʿālamīn, see TUK_0349 . See also Book of Jubilees 25:15 ( TUK_0907 ). The Ethiopian Book of Enoch consists of several treatises written at different times (3rd-1st century BC): 1) The Book of the Watchers; 2) The picture speeches; 3) The Astronomical Book; 4) The Book of Dream Visions; 5) The Epistle of Enoch. The summary into a book was probably carried out by a Jewish editor after the turn of the century. Using Enoch’s journeys to heaven, visions and admonitions (or writings), the topics of eschatology, cosmology and wisdom are dealt with in particular. The treatises of the Ethiopian Book of Enoch were probably created in anti-Hellenistic apocalyptic circles that were close to the Qumran community. The Ethiopian Book of Enoch shares several elements with other writings found at Qumran: the figure of the primordial sage, whose prototype is Enoch, to whom the heavenly secrets are revealed; the interpretation of the story from Adam to the end; the description of the end times with war and destruction, which will be followed by the judgment of God, in which Satan and the fallen angels as well as sinners will be destroyed, while an eternal season of salvation begins for the pious. The question of the original language (Aramaic or Hebrew) of the Ethiopian Book of Enoch has not been answered unanimously; In addition to several Aramaic fragments, two Hebrew ones were also found in Qumran.
  21. The book was later also received in Christianity, as evidenced by fragments in various languages ​​(Greek, Coptic, Syriac, Latin). The Book of Enoch, on the other hand, is only completely preserved in the Ethiopian translation (probably translated from Greek in the 5th-7th centuries); probably due to the fact that it is still part of the canon of the Ethiopian Church today, while it hardly plays a role in other Christian denominations and in Judaism today (cf. Uhlig 1984: p. 466-497 ).
  22. Q1:2 & Book of Jubilees 25:15
  23. The Ethiopian phrase ʾamlākomu la-ʿālamāt from the prayer of Rebekah in the Book of Jubilees is reminiscent of Arabic rabb al-ʿālamīn . For details on rabb al-ʿālamīn, see TUK_0349 . See also Enoch 1:4 ( TUK_0906 ) and Jub 25:23 ( ʾəgziʾa ʿālam ; Ethiopian ʾəgzi ʾ “Lord” corresponds more closely to the Arabic rabb (“Lord”) than ʾamlāk (“God”). The Book of Jubilees presents itself as the Sinai revelation to Moses, which was conveyed to him by angels. According to the understanding of the Book of Jubilees, part of this revelation is not only the laws, but also the Pentateuch, which is retold here or interpreted with a specific aim in mind. An anti-Hellenistic priestly reform group can be identified as the sponsoring group, which has a historical connection with the Asideans and the Qumran group that emerged shortly afterwards. The aim of the Jubilees Book is to preserve the identity and cultic integrity of Israel, whereby the observance of the calendar and the Sabbath, as well as the cohesion of the family, play a special role, which is exemplified in the fathers’ stories. The Jubilees Book was originally written in Hebrew; so all the fragments found at Qumran are Hebrew. Later, the book was also received in Christianity, as evidenced by fragments in various languages ​​(Latin; an anonymous Syrian chronicle; quotations from Greek writers). The Book of Jubilees, however, is only completely preserved in the Ethiopian translation; probably due to the fact that it is still part of the canon of the Ethiopian Church today, while it hardly plays a role in other Christian denominations and Judaism today (cfBerger 1981: p. 279-300).
  1. Q1:2 & Doxology of the Greek Liturgy of the Hours
  2. Der Anfang der Sure 1 weist nach Baumstark 1927 auf „einen altchristlichen Lobpreis“, „die Doxologie des griechischen Stundengebets – dem gloria in excelsis der lateinischen Messe entsprechend –, die wie die fātiḥa selbst ein Herzstück des täglichen Gebets gewesen ist“ (Kommentar zu Q 1:7). Dieser Lobpreis, der als „große Doxologie“ am Ende des Morgengebets in der byzantinischen Liturgie gesungen wird, geht auf den Engelhymnus bei der Geburt Jesu in Lukas 2:14 zurück.
  3. Q1:2 & Poem about God’s admonition (450-521 CE)
  4. The common Koranic designation of God as rabbu l-ʿālamīn (e.g. Q 1:2) also often appears in Syriac religious poetry, such as in this memrā of Jacob of Sarug (450-521). In the passage quoted here, the relationship of dependence between the world and God is compared to the relationship between a newborn child and the nursing mother (a symbol of ongoing care). As “Lord of the World” (Syr. māryā d-ʿālmā ), God not only has a demiurgic power (so he is not just a “creator”), but he holds the world together at every moment and guides it through his providence. Other names of God are also cited in the passage, each highlighting a specific attribute of the divine being: he is the Just, the Mighty, the Merciful ( raḥmānā ). These qualities, which only belong to God in absolute form, also find their counterparts in the Koran. So Q 1:1.3 also contains the title raḥmān for God. See also TUK_0906 , TUK_0907 , TUK_1254 , TUK_1255 .
  5. Q1:2 & Divine Liturgy of Basil the Great (mid 4th century)
  6. According to Angelika Neuwirth, Q 1:2 corresponds to the commentary on Sura 1 “- converted into universalistic diction – the doxology with which the Chrysostom and Basil liturgies begin: “Praise be to the kingship of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit , now and always and for all eternity.” In the Koranic as well as the Byzantine liturgy we have before us a hymnal application. This is continued in the 1st sura by two multi-part predications (Q 1:2, Q 1:3), while in the Greek liturgy it fills a complex sentence which, together with the immediately following antiphonally responding kyrie eleeson (“Lord, have mercy”), contains all the essential elements of the first part of the fātiḥa : The praise eulogein – ḥamida (Q 1:1 ), the reference to eschatological kingship: basileia tou theou – malik yaum ad-dīn (Q 1:4), or the rule over the present and eternity: nyn kai aei kai eis tous aionas ton aionon – rabbi l-ʿālamīn (Q 2:2) and the idea of ​​mercy, kyrie eleeson – ar-raḥmān ar-raḥīm (Q 3:3), as well as the kingship of God in the end times: he basileia tou theou – malik yaum ad-dīn (Q 1:4) . Similar parallels can be demonstrated between the second part of the fātiḥa in the supplication (supplication) following the hymn in the Greek liturgy, see Neuwirth and Neuwirth 1991 , so that the assumption that the fātiḥa stands as an introduction to the service in the tradition of older worship services The opening parts – in addition to the hypothesis put forward by Winkler in 1928 and Goitein in 1966 that the fātiḥa is an Islamic Lord’s Prayer – gain considerably in plausibility.”
  7. Q1:4 Q1:4 & Ethiopian Book of Enoch: The Book of Dream Visions 83:11 (3rd century BCE) The divine title ʾəgziʾa kwənnane “Lord of Judgment” in the Ethiopian Book of Enoch resembles the Arabic mālik yaumi d-dīn “Owner of the Day of Judgment” (an alternative reading of Q 1:4 is malik yaumi d-dīn “King of the Day of Judgment”, see variants).(edited)
  8. The Ethiopian Book of Enoch consists of several treatises written at different times (3rd-1st century BC): 1) The Book of Watchers; 2) The Similitudes; 3) The Astronomical Book; 4) The Book of Dream Visions; 5) The Epistle of Enoch. The compilation into a single book was likely done after the turn of the era by a Jewish editor. Through Enoch’s heavenly journeys, visions, and admonitions (or writings), the themes of eschatology, cosmology, and wisdom are primarily addressed. The treatises of the Ethiopian Book of Enoch likely originated in anti-Hellenistic apocalyptic circles close to the Qumran community. The Ethiopian Book of Enoch shares various elements with other texts found in Qumran: the figure of the primeval sage, whose prototype is Enoch, to whom heavenly secrets are revealed; the interpretation of history from Adam to the end; the depiction of the end times with war and destruction, followed by God’s judgment, in which Satan, the fallen angels, and sinners are destroyed, while a time of eternal salvation dawns for the righteous. The question of the original language (Aramaic or Hebrew) of the Ethiopian Book of Enoch is not definitively settled; in addition to several Aramaic fragments at Qumran, two Hebrew fragments were also found. Later, the book was also received in Christianity, as evidenced by fragments in various languages (Greek, Coptic, Syriac, Latin). However, the Book of Enoch is fully preserved only in the Ethiopian translation (presumably translated from Greek in the 5th-7th century); likely due to its status as part of the Ethiopian Church’s canon, while it plays a minor role in other Christian denominations and in Judaism today. (See Uhlig 1984: p. 466-497).
  9. Q1:4 & Poem No. 34:23-32 (Schulthess) (early 7th century) Other parts of the poem quoted here are quoted as TUK_613 (verses 1–10) and TUK_524 (verses 23–32). Frank-Kamenetzky considers the poem to be authentic in its entirety (Frank-Kamenetzky 1911: p. 48) . In fact, there is hardly any linguistic overlap between the passage quoted here and the Koranic Ṯamūd stories, apart from parallels dictated by the plot itself, such as the use of the verb ʿaqara . As far as the event itself is concerned, there is even a serious difference: it is missing in all Quranic Ṯamūd sections (cf. Q 7:73–79, Q 11:61–68, Q 15:80–84, Q 17:59 , Q 26:141–159, Q 27:45–53, Q 41:13, Q 41:17–18, Q 51:43–45, Q 54:23–31, Q 69:4–5, Q 89 :9, Q 91:11–15) central or at least assumed figure of a warner sent to the Ṯamūd, who is referred to in some versions by the name Ṣāliḥ; instead, the poem tells of the survival of a ṯamūd maidservant who tells the residents of Qurḥ about the destruction of her compatriots and then dies. There is also no mention in the Koran of a camel boy uttering a curse against the Ṯamūd after the death of his mother, apart from a possible suggestion (cf. Q 54:31: “We sent upon them a single cry”).
  10. Andrae 1926: p. 52f. nevertheless doubts the authenticity of the poem and emphasizes that the Ṯamūd passage differs in various respects from the relevant Quranic sections, but is consistent with later Islamic embellishments of the Ṯamūd legend. In particular, Andrae points to a story handed down by aṭ-Ṭabarī and traced back to Ibn Isḥāq, which also reports on the fate of the surviving maid (it is clearer from the story than from the poem that the maid was originally lame, and God was after her However, the destruction of her compatriots miraculously “unloosed her feet” so that she ran away “faster than anything ever seen”. According to Andrae, the correspondence between the poem and the tradition in aṭ-Ṭabarī can be explained by the fact that the poem is dependent on later Quranic exegetical traditions and must therefore be post-Quranic.
  11. However, this argument is hardly compelling. Because it is striking that in the Ibn Isḥāq story the figure of Ṣāliḥ, who is completely absent from the poem, plays an extremely prominent role. It therefore seems much more likely that the narrative preserved by Ṭabarī and clearly intended as a comprehensive account of the fate of the Ṯamūd represents a secondary combination of the Koranic Ṯamūd sections with ancient Arabic legendary material; The poem attributed to Umayya, on the other hand, probably represents the Old Arabic tradition that was incorporated into the more comprehensive account of Ibn Isḥāq and therefore does not have to be post-Quranic. However, this interpretation of the material is based on an argumentum e silentio : It is at least conceivable that the text attributed to Umayya actually represents a subsequent versification of those elements of the early Islamic Ṯamūd legend that do not appear in the Koran; The alleged author of the piece would then have deliberately left out all Koranic motifs and limited himself entirely to non-Quranic traditions. However, such a hypothesis seems extremely unlikely, especially since most other texts secondarily attributed to the Umayya seem to place particular emphasis on Koranizing diction.
  12. The poem thus documents the basic features of the pre-Quranic Ṯamūd legend and makes it clear that the introduction of other warning figures such as Noah or Moses’ analogous messenger of God called Ṣāliḥ may be a Koranic innovation. For a comparison of the text with Q 91:11–15, the earliest Koranic Ṯamūd pericope, see the commentary on Sura 91. It is also of interest that the first verse – if the presumed translation of transitive tafattaka is “to put an end to.” “ is correct – sheds an interesting spotlight on the meaning of the Quranic expression dīn , which comes under the influence of aram. dīnā , “judgment” or – in both rabbinic and Syriac Christian usage – “last judgment” in the Koran initially has an eschatological meaning, but in later surahs due to its semantic interference with Middle Persian. dēn also means “religion” (cf. the commentary on Q 107:1). If the poem is indeed authentic, it proves that this second meaning of dīn , which appears later in the Koran , already existed in pre-Quranic times. On the loan word problem regarding dīn , see also Jeffery 1938: p. 131ff . On the controversial authenticity of the poems attributed to Umayya ibn abī ṣ-Ṣalt, see generally the note on TUK_420 . Compare to verses 30-31 Andrae 1926: p. 53, note 2.
  13. Q1:4 & Revelation 11:15-19 (100 CE) Both Q 6:73, 22:56, 25:25-26 and 40:16 as well as Revelation 11:15 state that on the last day the royal rule (Arab. mulk ; Greek βασιλεία ) belongs to God (Speyer 1931: p. 456) . Q 1:4 can also be added depending on the reading: Most of the time it reads māliki yaumi d-dīni (“ruler of the judgment day”), but according to the reading of Nāfiʿa and ʾAbū ʿAmr it reads maliki yaumi d-dīni (“king of the judgment day”) ) (Compare readings of Q 1:4 ). Unlike in the Revelation of John, God’s Anointed One ( τοῦ χριστοῦ αὐτοῦ ) is not mentioned in the Koranic passages mentioned. The fact that no share in the rule is attributed to him is consistent with the depiction of Jesus in other Koranic passages (on the role of Jesus in the Koran, see EI2, Art. “ʿIsā” and EQ, Art. “Jesus” ).
  1. Q1:6
  2. Q1:6 & Prayer to Ephrem the Syrian (306 CE) As in the first surah, Ephrem asks God to be guided “on the right path”. The Koranic expression hadā ṣirāṭa l-mustaqīm “to lead on the straight, right path” (Q 1:6; Q 37:118, see also TUK_0548) is reminiscent of the Syriac phrase hdā la-šbīlā trīṣā (“he has a straight one Shown away”) from Ephrem’s prayer. The metaphor of the ‘right path’ for the righteousness of man can be found in numerous places in the Bible and is also used as such in Jewish and Christian prayers. Ahrens had already connected the religious connotation of the term “to guide, to guide” (Arabic hadā ) in the Koran with the Syrian Christian terminology, where the corresponding Syrian verb hdā is attributed, for example, to the apostles: they act as “leaders” ( hadd āyā ) of the Christian community ( Ahrens 1930: p. 42 , cf. also the designation of the Koran as hud ā , Q 2:2). On the central concept of “right path” ( as-ṣirāṭ al-mustaqīm ) in the Koran, with an overview of the important passages, see Frolov 2004: 28-31 .
  3. Q1:6 & Psalm 107:1-32 The image of the straight path that God leads people on, which appears in numerous verses in the Koran, is mentioned in Psalm 107:7.
  4. Q1:6 & Psalm 27:1-14 The motif of the “straight path” is found numerous times, with slight variations, in the Quran. This text also highlights a parallel to that. See also TUK_0390 and the phrase šbīlā trīṣā “right, straight path”, as well as TUK_0975.
  5. Q1:7
  6. Q1:7 & Matthew 7:13 The idea of ​​the straight path ( ṣirāṭ al-mustaqīm ) can be found in Q 1:6 . This may be a reference to the Christian two-way doctrine. The image of the two paths, which here also corresponds to the theological principle of “divine guidance”, receives its “standard formulation” in the Koran through the fātiḥa (cf. commentary on Q 1:6 , see also TUK_0548 and TUK_1258 ).

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