Article

1. Introduction
2. sensitivity towards eschatological sentiment tends to increase during times of crisis, when suffering and disorder are semantically situated into a historical framework within which they are been given justification and purpose1. The 7th century was viewed by its contemporaries as such a time of crisis. Both, the epic struggle between sasanian Persia and Byzantium, as well as the Arab conquest and the continued Arab rule over the Near east greatly intensified the sensitiv ity towards apocalyptic expectations, which can be witnessed across confessional borders. One important development of this period was the promotion of a di vinely guided monarch, who would overcome the present tribulations and usher in a Golden Age. This notion was expressed in the apocalyptic motif of the Last Ro man emperor in the Christian milieu and in the figure of the madhī in the mus lim one.
3. The Judeo-Christian apocalyptic context
4. Much scholarly attention has been paid to early Christian reactions to the Arab conquest (see Kaegi (1969); BrocK (1982); suermann (1983); griffith (1992); guenther (1999); lamoreaux (2000); tolan (2002) 40 67. For a comprehensive overview, see hoyland (1997) 53–335). One of the most remarkable texts of the early period is the Doctrina Jacobi, an anti-Jewish polemic written somewhere after 634. It associates the decline of imperial power and the rise of a false prophet among the saracens, i.e., Muhammad, with the Danielic apocalyptic scheme (Doctrina Jacobi V 16-18; Cf. Dan 7:7-8). That is, this text testifies for contemporary attempts to identify the Arab onslaught with an eschatological event. This heightened apocalyptic sensitivity continued and culminated at the end of the 7th century in the Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius. Its pseudonymous writer narrates an elaborate apocalyptic vision which follows a historical narrative that accounts for all of world history, starting with creation and leading up to the late 680s. The historical section of this apocalypse finishes with the description of the cataclysmic events of the second Fitna, the rage and raving of the battling parties (The Gospel of the Twelve Apostles 38), the plague and famine of 686/687 (John Bar Penkāyē’s History: BrocK (1987) 68–71), as well as ‘Abd al-malik’s oppressive taxation policy (BrocK (1982) 19 and reininK (1992) 181). At the climax of this dramatic account Pseudo-methodius puts one particular phrase into the mouth of the muslim opponent: They (i.e., the muslims) will blaspheme saying, “The Christians have no Saviour” ( Palmer and BrocK (1993) 237). This statement carries at least two highly polemic meanings. On the one hand, it negates Christ’s soterio logical capacity, while on the other, it professes that the Christian emperor, i.e., the Byzantine emperor, is ineffective and incapable to come to the rescue of his Chris tian flock.

Pseudo-methodius reacts to this vilification by prophesying the immi nent appearance of a last Roman emperor who would defeat the Arabs, punish all Christian apostates, reinstate Christian worship throughout the re-conquered provinces and usher in the last earthly period of peace and prosperity. Pseudo-methodius’ use of the polemic assertion that the Christians have no Saviour raises also the question: does any other community have a saviour? It is quite possible that Pseudo-methodius uses this statement in order to allude to par ticular pretensions that assign soteriological capacities to figures within the emerg ing muslim tradition. It has to be kept in mind that the pseudonymous syriac writer gives no positive account of muslim articles of faith (suermann (1985) 229–231). Thus, Pseudo-methodius might covertly refer to messianic claims associ ated with muslim rulers. such claims most certainly circulated a generation ear lier. There is some well known evidence that testifies for soteriological teachings and for messianic epithets that had been attributed to the Arab conquerors. The above mentioned Doctrina Jacobi, an anti-Jewish polemic, relates that mu . hammad preached on the approaching messiah16, while the Jewish apocalypse entitled the Secrets of Rabbi Simon ben Yō. hay, splendidly analyzed by Bernard Lewis, ad vances an exegesis of Isa 21:7 which attributes the salvation of Israel to the troop of camels, i.e., the muslims (leWis (1950) 322. see also crone and cooK (1977) 4–5). Furthermore, the muslim polymath al-Bīrūnī pre serves a tradition that relates how the Jews of Damascus welcomed ‘Umar to syria by bestowing on him the epithet fārūq, a term that seems to connote redemption (Abū Ray. hān al-Bīrūnī 196).